Skeena Uprising of 1888

In an effort to capitalize on the immense amount of important information available about Gitxsan history, culture, and language in the Gitxsan Archives I will be writing an article each month highlighting a fascinating item in the archives. This month's article is about a paper written by I.V.B Johnson about the Skeena Uprising of 1888. All the articles will be placed in the history subsection under the culture menu item.

The Skeena Uprising of 1888

by Ryneld Starr

You could forgive a man walking the streets of New York City in the summer of 1888 for wondering why a commotion between two groups of people another country away and on the other side of the continent was worthy of mention in a local newspaper. After-all, the communications network so to speak in the late 19^th century did not lend itself to a quick and easy delivery of information cross-continent. It must have been a commotion of immense proportions for the newspapers to have deemed it worthy to gather and print. “The Skeena River Revolt” declared the New York Times in its July 22, 1888 edition. Upon review of the article our curious reader would have swarmed with excitement to see that “indians” (to use the vernacular of the time) were “laying siege to the Hudson's Bay Fort” in Hazelton where all the white population was gathering. Indian wars were still being fought in the United States at the time. It was a reality of the period as white settlers, backed by government policy continued expansion into indian territories. Thus news of a potential war in Canada was, at least, of cursory interest to the man in the street in 1880's New York City.

5,000 kilometres away in Hazelton as well as down south in the provincial capital Victoria, what was happening in the traditional territories of the Gitxsan people was definitely cause for attention. The provincial government was preparing to send the warship HMS Caroline and a Militia of 70+ troops up the coast to the mouth of the Skeena River. White residents in Hazelton were fearful of attack at the hands of local Gitxsan, and the spectre of murder was in the air. How this situation came to be can be blamed on numerous factors: cultural misunderstanding, traditional beliefs of revenge, and the overall state of native/white relations in Canada at the time. One of the most detailed accounts of the Skeena River Uprising is the paper entitled, “The Skeena River Uprising 1888” by I.V.B. Johnson which is held in the Gitxsan Archives. Johnson explores the uprising from the point of view of the Gitxsan oral history of the event, as well as the official documented history via the government officials, newspaper reporters and missionaries at the time. It is as detailed an account as you can get considering the time of the events, and provides a vivid view of the existence of Gitxsan people at the time and their relationship with the ever encroaching white worldview and law.

The seeds of hatred and distrust in this particular case began as a dispute between neighbouring villages. In the winter of 1887-88 measles swept through the Gitxsan population. Over 200 children reportedly died and witnesses mentioned how some houses in the western Gitxsan village of Kitwancool were empty, with entire families wiped out. A chief of Kitwancool known as Kamalmuk and his wife Fannie Johnson lost two of their sons to measles. Jim's wife, angered at such a terrible loss, was certain her sons' deaths were caused by a shaman in neighbouring Kitsegukla. That spring, she implored Jim, also known to whites as Kitwancool Jim, to take revenge on the man for causing the death of her boys. A chance meeting on a trail between Kitwancool Jim and the Shaman, known as Neetuh or Neatsque, afforded Jim the chance, and he shot the Shaman dead. The people of Kitsegukla were rightly enraged and prepared to attack their neighbours. However the local Reverend convinced the townspeople to report the incident to government officials rather than resort to war. In fact it was the reverend who would later travel to Fort Simpson to report the incident to the local magistrate. A warrant was issued for Kamalmuk's arrest and on June 19th three constables were dispatched to Kitwancool. As Johnson illustrates, the story diverges here according to the oral account of the Kitwancool people and the story told by the constables. The Gitxsan say Jim was prepared to give himself up, however, he decided to put up a token show of force as befitting a chief. Police say Jim resisted arrest, attempted to run into the bushes and was shot in the back.

What started as a tragedy of the First Nations inability to fight off the foreign sicknesses of newcomers had now led to the violent death of two community leaders and a simmering anger at non-natives in two Gitxsan villages. After shooting Kitwancool Jim, the constables hastily retreated to Hazelton fearing for their lives. The white residents of the area barricaded themselves in the Hudson's Bay Fort afraid an attack was imminent. Word was sent to the authorities in Victoria concerning the “lawlessness” that had broken out in the northwest. Johnson's article mentions numerous threats coming from the natives, prompting the panic, however Johnson also mentions a request by the family of Kitwancool Jim for 1000 dollars, one white man, and the rifle used by the constable to kill Jim. Johnson surmises that possibly the threats were more in the minds of the non-native population, and the First Nations were only demanding what was a common solution to a dispute such as this; compensation, in keeping with the reciprocal nature of Gitxsan culture.

The provincial government, heeding the alarmed cries coming from the north, mobilized C Battery aboard the warship HMCS Caroline. 85 soldiers and 12 constables were dispatched along with the provincial police Superintendent Roycroft. The warship would traverse the rocky coast of British Columbia and dock at Post Essington just a few kilometres inland from the mouth of the Skeena River. It was determined that the Superintendent and 12 constables would make the 160 mile trek up river to investigate the situation. The soldiers stayed behind and set up camp to await further word. When Roycroft and his men reached Hazelton they were greeted, not by an uprising, but by a relatively calm scene. In fact, most of the Gitxsan were off fishing and the whites were, in the words of one observer “at liberty.” The Caroline would soon return to Victoria, not a shot fired nor a soldier harmed. Thus, the great Skeena Uprising of 1888 was no-more, if it ever was.

Johnson, as befitting a scholar looks not only at the story but the context surrounding it. Johnson delves into the areas of First Nations laws versus colonial law, the reliance on Gitxsan oral history to look at two perspectives of the story, Native and non-native relations in the area as well as the province at the time, the influence of missionaries and past native uprisings throughout Canada, specifically the Red River uprising.

First Nations Law vs. Colonial Law: There was undoubtedly outrage at the death of Neatsque and Kitwancool Jim by residents of Kitsegukla and Kitwancool respectively. Kitsegukla wanted to avenge the death of their Shaman and the people of Kitwancool displayed a threatening attitude towards police and the white people. Thus the Hudson's Bay stockade was barricaded due to other threats coming in. The people of Kitsegukla demanded compensation for the death of Neatsque. They asked for blankets, guns, and supplies and, according to Gitxsan who tell the story, received them. Kitwancool Jim's relatives reportedly demanded 1000 dollars, a white man (doesn't identify anyone in particular) and the rifle used to kill Jim as a memento. Despite the threats there was no further violence by the local First Nations against non-natives. The unrest seems to have grown not just from the killings, but the subsequent lack of compensation given to the aggrieved parties. Given the reciprocal nature of First Nations law, compensation was an important factor in any potential resolution of the dispute. The authorities of the time would have none of the Gitxsan brand of justice, making clear that the Queen's law would take precedent in any further actions by the Gitxsan people.

Gitxsan Oral History: Johnson notes that the Gitxsan part of the story had some notable differences from the version of the authorities. For instance the Gitxsan version states Jim had every intention of surrendering to police the day he was shot but his actions were misunderstood by police. It also states that, according to the stories, the wolf clan of Kitwancool appeased the anger of the Kitsegukla people by compensating them with blankets, guns and supplies. This quelled the Kitsegukla people according to the oral history but it was the non-natives in the area who sought to pursue the matter according to the Queen's Law.

Native/Non-Native relations: As with much of North America, the late 19^th century was a time of conflict between the native and encroaching non-native population. The uprising of 1888 was not the first disturbance between First Nations and newcomers in the area. Johnson explains how years before there had been disputes that resulted in much the same result: death, mistrust, a flexing of colonial muscle. Provincially, the relationship deteriorated substantially in the era following Governor James Douglas' tenure. His successor, Fredrick Seymour, who took office in 1864, appointed a land commissioner openly hostile to First Nations. Joseph Trutch will forever exist in history as a man who saw natives and their concerns only as a problem to be eliminated. It is also speculated that the high profile Riel rebellions of 1869-70 and 1885 played a role in the reaction by authorities.

I.V.B. Johnson's account of the Skeena Uprising of 1888 remains possibly the most detailed chronicle of this significant event in Gitxsan history. The reliance on historical newspaper articles and correspondence gives one a glimpse into the colonial mindset of the late 1800's. Likewise the important inclusion of Gitxsan oral history reinforces the notions brought forth in the Delgamuukw trial that the Gitxsan people are and always have been a people who hold true to their oral traditions to record history. The events of spring/summer 1888 in the Gitxsan territories may have be sensational enough to warrant a headline in the New York Times, but beyond the “Indian Wars” aspect of the story, the true importance of the conflict was of little interest to our New York City news junkie. It is, however, apparent in Johnson's study of the issues involved. The writer sees the uprising as a turning point in the relationship between First Nations and whites, bringing to light “a lot of the dangerous elements that had been at work in the north.” Johnson's paper is held at the Gitxsan Archives. Once the items in the archives have been fully catalogued it will be available for review. I suggest reading the paper if you ever happen to be at the Gitxsan Archives.